Showing posts with label VAT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label VAT. Show all posts

Monday, June 28, 2010

Monday Quick Hits

Lots to clear off here, so let's get right to it:
  • New Peterson Institute study: imports don't put downward pressure on wages.  The authors conclusions: " This analysis suggests that the fears of rising US wage inequality from developing-country imports in recent years are unwarranted. While conventional trade theory makes such expectations plausible our investigation reveals they are far off the mark.... US industries competing with developing country imports are not particularly intensive in unskilled labor. Moreover, the relative effective prices of the US industries that are unskilled labor–intensive have actually increased rather than decreased since the early 1990s.  Changes in effective US prices from whatever cause have not mandated changes in relative wages. Neither have changes that can be ascribed to import prices mandated increases in wage inequality.... The goods exported by developing countries are highly imperfect substitutes for those produced by developed countries. This means that for the most part, unskilled US workers are not competing head to head with their counterparts in developing countries. It also suggests that methodological approaches to the question of trade and wages that measure the net factor content of trade or that assume that imports and domestic products and/or tasks are close substitutes rest on extremely shaky grounds." (h/t Alec Van Gelder)
  • US manufacturers: Obama's National Export Initiative is "misguided" because it's economically illiterate.  Money passage:
    David Speer, chief executive of Illinois Tool Works, a large diversified manufacturer widely seen as a bellwether for the sector, noted that most big industrial companies have spread their manufacturing operations around the world, making the focus on exports a poor reflection of the health of the sector.

    The export drive “is very misdirected”, Mr Speer said in an interview with the Financial Times. “You often hear the politicians say: ‘those are US jobs that went overseas, they should be here.’ Well, most of the jobs go overseas for rational reasons – that’s where the growing market is.”

    “We’re not going to be any better off by saying: ‘we’re going to ship our product to China from the US’,” Mr Speer said.

    “We can’t do it. It won’t work. We won’t be able to compete – for lots of reasons, the smallest of which is the wage rates. It’s logistics, it’s the duties, it’s the closeness to the customer end-market that you can’t service remotely.”

    The ITW chief’s comments reflect a view expressed in private by many industrial companies that the export drive is unfeasible and gives the false impression that lost manufacturing jobs in the US will be replaced.
    Gee, now where have we heard that before?
  • WSJ (subscription): Changes in China's currency won't change trade surplus because bigger, systemic changes are needed.  Cato's Dan Ikenson adds more here.  (And, yes, all of this also sounds vaguely familiar.) 
  • WTO releases its Annual Report.  The new publication has lots of good info on the WTO's history and recent activities.
  • AEI's Claude Barfield: Here's the real "big news" about the President's big weekend announcement re: the US-Korea FTA.  "Finally, for Washington inside baseballers, it is interesting that the planning and announcement of this decision was carried out by the National Security Council (NSC). This will undoubtedly feed the speculation that the White House staff really directs key U.S. trade policy decisions and that Michael Froman, the NSC Deputy Director for International Economics, is really the “go-to” guy, rather than U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk."
  • Mark Perry: Colombia's economy is dominating because of its commitment to free markets and free trade.  Too bad the President didn't make an FTA announcement about them last weekend too, huh? 
  • Sen. Jim DeMint (R-SC): The current system for requesting miscellaneous tariff suspensions is awful; my legislation will fix it.  Me: it also would end an ongoing spat between some US manufacturers and anti-earmark Republicans in Congress. 
  • The UK: here's a simple reminder of why Americans should fight tooth-and-nail against a VAT.  (And, yes, that's twenty - two-zero - percent tax on top of everything else.) 

Thursday, May 20, 2010

Thursday Quick Hits

I'm still tired from my birthday dinner last night, so you're only getting headlines tonight.  But as my mom would say, somehow I think you'll live:
  • Cato's Dan Ikenson is on blog-fire today.  First, he's deflating the China-as-economic-model myth.  Then, he's all up in the President's grill about how our trade remedy laws undermine Obama's big National Export Initiative.  And he still had time to buy me lunch.  Very, very efficient, that guy.
  • Germany's ridiculous new law restricting "naked" short-selling not only is economically illiterate, but also could violate global trade rulesUnglaublich!
  • Breaking down the conventional wisdom about the VAT and exports.  (Something to keep in mind next year when the President uses export-expansion as one of his reasons for cramming a VAT down our throats.)
  • KPMG Report: Mexico is the most tax-competitive country in the world.  The United States now ranks sixth (out of ten), down one spot since last year (grrreat).  And the highest-tax country in the world?  France.  Shocking, I know.
  • Speaking of higher American taxes, here's a shock:  it is literally impossible to tax your way out of a fiscal hole.  There's a law and everything (plus one of the coolest charts I've seen in a while).  Oh, there's a good comment on this issue here by Cato's Dan Mitchell.
  • And finally tonight, economists and policymakers often like to sell free trade by explaining how well it works for the American states and how stupid interstate protectionism would be.  This smart move plays to people's inherent understanding and reason and is often successful in converting trade skeptics.  These guys, however, did NOT get that memo:

     

Friday, April 23, 2010

The VATMan Cometh, Pt. 5

Look, it's not like anyone paying attention didn't see this coming from a mile away, but still... it's worth mentioning.  Despite all the firm statments from congressional Democrats that they would never consider a VAT, and that the whole idea is just some right-wing scare tactic, President Obama announced Wednesday that he's definitely leaving it on the table... you know, just in case he accidently expands government so much so fast that we have no choice but to tax the heck out of everything in order to prevent a national debt implosion.  (Shocking, I know.)

Take it away, Mr. President:



(h/t HotAir)

Thursday, April 8, 2010

The VATMan Cometh, pt. 4

Gird your loins....
Today, Congressional Budget Office Director Douglas Elmendorf confirmed he's been getting "a lot of questions" about the VAT tax from Congress.

"Many people in Congress are interested in it," he said of the VAT, a national sales tax that adds between 10 and 20 percent to purchases in European countries where it's been implemented. "We've had conversations with a number of members and their staffs."

Elmendorf declined to specify which members and said he has yet to field an official request to study a VAT tax. The CBO is in the process of figuring out how best to study a VAT tax's impact, sorting through various structures employed by other countries. Elmendorf also declined to estimate what a VAT tax level would need to be to cover the 2020 debt, which the CBO predicted will be 90 percent of GDP....

Because a VAT is a national sales tax on consumption, he said, it would have less impact on savings and investment than an income tax, but warned that its economic effects should not be underestimated.

"Economists think about people deciding how hard to work or how many hours to work," he said, explaining that the decision to take a higher paying job or work more hours is partly based on being able to buy more stuff with one's money. "Any wedge between value you're producing for your employer and what you can buy is a wedge that can distort. It is still a tax."

He also warned that politicians and economists should not envision an "idealized" VAT tax as a clean, simple system.

"If we were to adopt a VAT tax in this country, it would be subject to many of the same (tax) preferences the income tax is subject to." he said. "The VAT tax itself could become very complicated."

Elmendorf also sounded a grim note on whether the U.S. could potentially grow itself out of the deficit problem.
Cato's Dan Mitchell responds brilliantly here. In short, the VAT is an "economy killer."

Oh goody. (My earlier VAT musings are here.)

Wednesday, April 7, 2010

The VATMan Cometh, pt. 3

As Scooby Doo would say, Ruh-roh Raggy:
The United States should consider raising taxes to help bring deficits under control and may need to consider a European-style value-added tax, White House adviser Paul Volcker said on Tuesday.

Volcker, answering a question from the audience at a New York Historical Society event, said the value-added tax "was not as toxic an idea" as it has been in the past and also said a carbon or other energy-related tax may become necessary.

Though he acknowledged that both were still unpopular ideas, he said getting entitlement costs and the U.S. budget deficit under control may require such moves. "If at the end of the day we need to raise taxes, we should raise taxes," he said.
Hey, don't say I didn't warn youRepeatedly.

Friday, March 26, 2010

The VATMan Cometh?, ctd.

Charles Krauthammer today:
That’s where the value-added tax comes in. For the politician, it has the virtue of expediency: People are used to sales taxes, and this one produces a river of revenue. Every 1 percent of VAT would yield up to $1 trillion a decade (depending on what you exclude — if you exempt food, for example, the yield would be more like $900 billion).

It’s the ultimate cash cow. Obama will need it. By introducing universal health care, he has pulled off the largest expansion of the welfare state in four decades. And the most expensive. Which is why all of the European Union has the VAT. Huge VATs. Germany: 19 percent. France and Italy: 20 percent. Most of Scandinavia: 25 percent.

American liberals have long complained that ours is the only advanced industrial country without universal health care. Well, now we shall have it. And as we approach European levels of entitlements, we will need European levels of taxation.

Obama set out to be a consequential president, one on the order of Ronald Reagan. With the VAT, Obama’s triumph will be complete. He will have succeeded in reversing Reaganism. Liberals have long complained that Reagan’s strategy was to starve the (governmental) beast in order to shrink it: First, cut taxes; then, ultimately, you have to reduce government spending.

Obama’s strategy is exactly the opposite: Expand the beast, and then feed it. Spend first — which then forces taxation. Now that, with the institution of universal health care, we are becoming the full entitlement state, the beast will have to be fed.

And the VAT is the only trough in creation large enough.

As a substitute for the income tax, the VAT would be a splendid idea. Taxing consumption makes infinitely more sense than taxing work. But to feed the liberal social-democratic project, the VAT must be added on top of the income tax.

Ultimately, even that won’t be enough. As the population ages and health care becomes increasingly expensive, the only way to avoid fiscal ruin (as Britain, for example, has discovered) is health-care rationing.

It will take a while to break the American populace to that idea. In the meantime, get ready for the VAT. Or start fighting it.
Well, that's certainly depressing.  But hey, you can't say I didn't warn you a few months ago (for some different, but mostly the same, reasons):
The White House and Congress are already pushing a huge tax on energy (through Cap and Trade) that would certainly decrease domestic consumption of energy-intensive products (especially if it includes carbon tariffs on imports of these goods).  But Cap and Trade appears dead in the Senate this year, and the White House has already hinted that the legislation might need to be shelved so the administration can focus on deficit-reduction and jobs policies in 2010.

On the other hand, several high level Democrats - including those inside the White House - are openly contemplating a Value-added Tax (VAT) on all domestic consumption.  The VAT not only would significantly temper American consumption, but also would raise massive amounts of new revenue for the cash-strapped US government to pay down its debt (also mentioned in Obama's "strategy" speech) and/or finance major new government programs like trillion-dollar health care "reform."  Finally, VATs are not collected on export sales, and any previous VAT paid on inputs used to make the exported product is typically refunded at the border.  So exports gain new preferential status in the US economy under a VAT system.  In sum, a VAT would be a classic three-fer for the Obama White House: discouraging US consumption, encouraging exports, and (sneakily) raising oodles of revenue for the federal government.  Of course, whether it's actually good for economic growth is a totally different matter (hint: it isn't).

In this light, Obama's odd "Asia strategy" makes a lot more sense: he's essentially giving notice to China and other Asian economies that rely - at least in part - on American consumption that such consumption is going to be dramatically tempered by a new VAT - a policy that also will encourage US exports and help quell fears about an exploding US deficit and an imploding US dollar.  Pillars #1 and #2 are just window dressing.

Of course, the President and his party could avoid all of this "rebalancing" nonsense and encourage strong US and Asian economic growth if they would just stop spending money that the United States doesn't have and lower taxes (particularly capital gains and payroll taxes), not raise them, to encourage savings, investment and hiring.  But that's not how they roll (as the $2 trillion ObamaCare debacle and the President's $3 trillion budget make abundantly clear).  Instead, they're scheming to find a new, secret way to confiscate lots of taxpayer money, discourage American consumption, and boost exports.  Cripes.

So open your wallets, everyone.  The VATman cometh.  Let the "rebalancing" begin.
Since I wrote that little piece of sunshine, the White House introduced its inevitably-ineffectual National Export Initiative, so any future VAT recommendation might be premised on "saving" both the federal budget and the fledgling NEI (with its silly goal to double exports in five years).  Maybe not, but as the debt piles up and US exports don't spike, a serious VAT proposal becomes an increasingly plausible scenario.

As Dr. K says, there's still time for the American people to fight this travesty and to prove us both wrong.  Please, please do so.

Tuesday, February 2, 2010

Increasing Exports: Right Way, Wrong Way

As I've already discussed, the President's new push to dramatically increase American exports has two main prongs: (i) export promotion efforts; and (ii) trade enforcement.

On the latter, it appears that the White House's 2011 budget allocates new funds for trade compliance and overseas enforcement efforts.  Unfortunately, I've already listed several problems with the idea that "enforcement efforts" can significantly increase exports, and Cato's Dan Ikenson really lays the smack down today in a new blog entry:
According to what metric are we failing to enforce trade agreements? The number of WTO complaints lodged? Well, the United States has been complainant in 93 out of the 403 official disputes registered with the WTO over its 15-year history, making it the biggest user of the dispute settlement system. (The European Communities comes in second with 81 cases as complainant.) On top of that, the United States was a third party to a complaint on 73 occasions, which means that 42 percent of all WTO dispute settlement activity has been directed toward enforcement concerns of the United States, which is just one out of 153 members.

Maybe the enforcement metric should be the number of trade remedies measures imposed? Well, over the years the United States has been the single largest user of the antidumping and countervailing duty laws. More than any other country, the United States has restricted imports that were determined (according to a processes that can hardly be described as objective) to be “dumped” by foreign companies or subsidized by foreign governments. As of 2009, there are 325 active antidumping and countervailing duty measures in place in the United States, which trails only India’s 386 active measures.

Throughout 2009, a new antidumping or countervailing duty petition was filed in the United States on average once every 10 days. That means that throughout 2010, as the authorities issue final determinations in those cases every few weeks, the world will be reminded of America’s fetish for imposing trade barriers, as the president (pursuing his “National Export Initiative”) goes on imploring other countries to open their markets to our goods....

Sure, the USTR can bring even more cases to try to force greater compliance through the WTO or through our bilateral agreements. But rest assured that the slam dunk cases have already been filed or simply resolved informally through diplomatic channels. Any other potential cases need study from the lawyers at USTR because the presumed violations that our politicians frequently and carelessly imply are not necessarily violations when considered in the context of the actual rules. Of course, there’s also the embarrassing hypocrisy of continuing to bring cases before the WTO dispute settlement system when the United States refuses to comply with the findings of that body on several different matters now. And let’s not forget the history of U.S. intransigence toward the NAFTA dispute settlement system with Canada over lumber and Mexico over trucks. Enforcement, like trade, is a two-way street.

And sure, more antidumping and countervailing duty petitions can be filed and cases initiated, but that is really the prerogative of industry, not the administration or Congress. Industry brings cases when the evidence can support findings of ”unfair trade” and domestic injury. The process is on statutory auto-pilot and requires nothing further from the Congress or president. Thus, assertions by industry and members of Congress about a lack of enforcement in the trade remedies area are simply attempts to drum up support for making the laws even more restrictive. It has nothing to do with a lack of enforcement of the current rules. They simply want to change the rules.
Well, I think we can finally put the enforcement debate to bed, wouldn't you say?  That said, Ikenson's and my analyses leave untouched the second prong of the President's export plan - export promotion efforts.  On this issue, the White House's 2011 budget provides a 20% increase in the budget of the Department of Commerce's International Trade Administration for export promotion efforts (through the Foreign Commercial Service), as well as millions of dollars for similar efforts through the Foreign Agricultural Service and the Ex-Im Bank.  The White House claims that the ITA funding increase alone will expand US exports by $4.4 billion in 2011, but is a simple policy of throwing more money at ITA and other export promotion agencies really a realistic plan to significantly increase American exports?

Well, the stats sure appear to say "no."   As the table below indicates (my calculations), there's no correlation between US exports and funding for the ITA (in $1000).


Moreover, a detailed review by the Government Accounting Office of US export promotion efforts found serious problems with the current system, yet lack of funding was not one of them:
Specifically, GAO has identified elements of U.S. export promotion activities that warrant attention: (1) coordination; (2) targeted services for small and medium enterprises and other priorities; (3) performance monitoring; and (4) partnerships and methodologies for setting user fees. The expert studies GAO reviewed echo the importance of each of these elements with regard to the activities of foreign export promotion agencies and may be informative for policy discussions about U.S. export promotion activities.
Another GAO Report found other big flaws in the ability of the ITA's Commercial Service to do basic things such as collecting market data and communicating with US businesses.  In short, there's nothing on record which supports the idea that increased funding of US export promotion programs will actually increase exports.

So what does drive US exports?  Well, according to Ikenson, imports and economic growth:
[I]mport growth is much more closely correlated with export growth than is heightened enforcement.  The nearby chart confirms the extremely tight, positive relationship between export and imports, both of which track similarly closely to economic growth.
U.S. producers (who happen also to be our exporters) account for more than half of all U.S. import value.  Without imports of raw materials, components, and other intermediate goods, the cost of production in the United States would be much higher, and export prices less competitive.  If the president wants to promote exports, he must welcome, and not hinder, imports.
Indeed.  Of course, there are other things well-grounded in economic reality that the United States government could do to encourage exports, and none of them involve throwing good money after bad, pursuing irrational "enforcement efforts," or illegally subsidizing US exports.  I've already discussed pending US FTAs with Colombia, Panama and South Korea, and the WTO's Doha Round, but domestic fiscal policy could also play a big role.  For example, the bold alternative budget of Congressman Paul Ryan (R-WI), ranking Member of the House Budget Committee, seeks to increase exports and enhance America's overall global competitiveness by dramatically reforming the United States' absurd corportate tax policies.  Specifically, Ryan's plan would replace America's insane 39% corporate income tax (second highest in the world) with a flat 8.5% "business consumption tax" (BCT) that would encourage investment in US businesses, benefit US exports and spur economic growth:
To level the playing field and eliminate the competitive disadvantage on American businesses and American-made products, the BCT is not imposed on U.S. exports when they leave the U.S. It is instead imposed on foreign imports when they enter the U.S. Thus, the BCT is “border adjustable.” Currently, the U.S. corporate income tax is not border adjustable (i.e., the tax cannot be removed from exports or imposed on imports). In contrast, foreign competitors in Europe have the advantage of removing their own taxes on their exports. The World Trade Organization [WTO] established the requirements for a border adjustable tax system. Direct taxes, such as the corporate income tax, are not border adjustable, but indirect taxes, such as the BCT, are border adjustable....

An uncompetitive business tax climate has forced many U.S. companies to relocate and send jobs abroad, often through mergers and acquisitions with foreign companies. This tax plan reverses the trend.

With an enhanced investment climate, international businesses, particularly capital-intensive industries such as manufacturing, will have a greater incentive to invest in the U.S. and expand production here, which creates jobs.

The United States’ relatively high statutory corporate income tax has led to multinational corporations shifting their profits to lower-tax countries, essentially shifting the tax base overseas. Many U.S. businesses also delay the repatriation of earnings from their foreign affiliates. This plan brings these earnings and profits back to the U.S.

Greater investment in the U.S. will also help to speed the pace of technological innovation in the U.S. economy, a key factor in raising productivity.

There is a clear link between investment and capital formation on the one hand, and productivity and rising living standards on the other. Between 1973 and 1995, for instance, productivity grew at just under 1.5 percent, implying that living standards in the U.S. would double every 50 years. Since 1995, productivity, spurred by technological innovation and investment, has increased at a 3.0-percent rate. This rate implies it will take only 25 years for living standards to double, half as long as under a slower rate of productivity. A business climate that fosters investment, therefore, is one of the keys to future U.S. prosperity.

The way the U.S. taxes international business operations is important because roughly two-thirds of U.S. export trade (a growing share of the U.S. economy) is facilitated by U.S. multinational companies and their foreign affiliates.
Ryan's BCT is essentially a business VAT - applied equally on all domestic consumption (imports and domestic production alike) - and has definite advantages for investment and exports (as long as it's not applied on top of a corporate income tax, of course!).  It's certainly not perfect, but it's at least a novel plan that has some foundation in economic reality.

As opposed to the President's tired and incoherent plan of increased trade enforcement and export promotion funding.

Sunday, November 15, 2009

The President's New "Asia Strategy": The VATman Cometh?

Lots of headlines over the last few days have trumpeted President Obama’s new “Asia strategy.”  While most of the plan's details remain vague, one thing seems pretty clear: Obama's strategy isn't really about trade, and Americans should brace themselves for much higher taxes in the very near future.  In a speech Saturday in Japan, Obama described his strategy as follows:
One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth. Because when Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted. When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing. And the global recession only deepened.

We have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I’ll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system and reducing our long-term deficit. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow for greater investments in housing, infrastructure, and the service sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America’s prosperity, but to the world’s.

An integral part of this new strategy is working toward an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement – not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion – and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table.
Obama went on to express vague support for the pending FTA with South Korea and indicated that the United States would - at some point - restart formal negotiations to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) FTA, which currently includes Brunei, Singapore, Chile and New Zealand and could serve as a platform for a larger pan-Pacific agreement. (The US already has FTAs with Singapore and Chile.)  A day later, he repeated most of these statements in a separate speech in Singapore.

Now, despite the obvious ambiguity, Obama's talk of Doha, FTAs and exports is all welcome news, but I want to focus on the President's new "Asia strategy" for now.  What the heck is it?  No, seriously.  How is this dramatic trade "rebalancing" going to work?

From what I can surmise from Obama's statements, the focus of his Asia strategy will be to reduce the US trade deficit.  His approach has three main "pillars": (i) reducing barriers to US exports in Asia; (ii) increasing domestic consumption throughout Asia (particularly China); and (iii) reducing US consumption and spending.  Thus, the US will import less and export more, and the Asian economies will export less and import more.  And the trade deficit will shrink (as will corresponding bilateral capital flows).  The increased US exports will provide lots of good-paying American jobs, and the increased foreign consumption will ensure more stability (i.e., independence when/if economic calamity strikes again).

I think that pretty much sums it up.  But if this is the President's big strategy, it's two parts nonsense, and one part disturbing harbinger of his future domestic agenda.  Let's look at the facts, shall we?

As an initial matter, it's important to reiterate that the trade deficit is not - repeat NOT - a sign of economic distress (see here for more).  As the US economy (measured by GDP growth) expands, the trade deficit historically increases because American businesses and families are increasing their consumption of imports.  Thus, the trade deficit has historically been a sign of good economic times, not bad ones.  Indeed, the current recession is proof positive of this relationship, as the trade deficit shrunk dramatically in the first half of 2009 while GDP growth was depressingly negative, and is only now increasing again as the US economy has started expanding.  So, it's hardly a given that US and Asian policymakers should be focusing on rebalancing the trade deficit at all.  It's also not a given that a reduction in the US trade deficit will necessarily lead to more jobs.  Indeed, we were running massive deficits in the 90s and 2000s, and unemployment was low and stable.

But for now, let's put these important fundamental questions aside and focus on the three pillars of the President's Asia strategy.  I think they provide a pretty clear picture of where we're heading, and it ain't pretty.

PILLAR #1: Increased Asian market access.  Lowering trade barriers in Asia will not dramatically alter US-Asia tradeflows and the US trade deficit because trade liberalization has only a minor effect on overall trade levels.  Instead, global incomes and personal savings/consumption dictate why some countries run trade surpluses, and why the United States consistenly runs a deficit.  As Dan Ikenson and I explained earlier this year:
The Chinese have been big savers throughout their process of economic liberalization, which began in 1978. Americans, on the other hand, have tended not to save very much.  Some might want to chalk that up to American profligacy or evidence of declining industriousness and virtue, but the fact is that one of the reasons for low US savings rates is that foreigners have traditionally preferred investing in the United States over other economies. The availability of foreign capital has helped drive US business expansion as well as helped tip the balance in favor of spending over saving for many Americans. Relatively low interest rates have made spending more affordable and saving less prudent.

Foreign investment in U.S. real estate, factories, equities, and government debt—all reflected in the large U.S. capital account surplus— helps explain low U.S. saving rates. The surplus of foreign capital (which mirrors the deficit in the current account) has kept U.S. interest rates low, and interest rates are the cost of current spending vis-à-vis saving. When interest rates fall, the cost of spending versus saving also falls.

It is these differences between the United States and other countries in levels of consumption and saving that explain the current large U.S. account deficit and the equally large capital account surplus. Neither is much a function of trade policy.
Historical data support our assertions.  According to a 2008 Cato Institute survey of economic research, almost 70% of the post-WWII increase in global trade was caused by rising global incomes.  Indeed, only 25% of the increase can be attributed to the removal of market access barriers.  So the first pillar of President Obama's Asia strategy - increased market access for US exports in Asia - will have relatively little effect on the balance of trade between the US and Asia.

PILLAR #2: Increased Asian consumption of US exports.  As indicated above, the second pillar of Obama's trade strategy - increased Asian consumption - is more economically sound than the first pillar because domestic consumption and savings actually do impact tradeflows.  But there's still one big problem with Pillar #2: it's completely and utterly unrealistic in the near term.  The Chinese have been attempting to stoke domestic consumption for years now, but to little avail.  Indeed, such consumption is the "holy grail" of Chinese economic policy because it will decrease China's reliance on exports - and the health of export markets - to maintain full employment (the Chinese government's primary policy motivation).  Yet despite the billions and billions of dollars that the Chinese government has funneled into its economy in order to jumpstart domestic consumption, China remains pretty dependent on exports for economic growth.  And many other Asian economies are in the same boat. 

There are two main reasons for the lack of domestic consumption in Asia: (1) culture; and (2) per capita income. (Note that trade is not mentioned here.)  On the former, the Chinese people, and many of their Asian counterparts, are simply predisposed to save rather than consume.  Of course, government policies - including strong investment protections, social safety nets, and a strong rule of law - can help encourage domestic consumption, but they can't do very much in the near term.  The Chinese government has started to alter its domestic policies in order to encourage more consumption, but it has found this traditional cultural predisposition difficult to overcome.

On the latter reason, a simple review of per capita GDP (adjusted for country-specific purchasing power) explains why most Asian countries can only consume so much: their people remain relatively poor, particularly in comparison to their American counterparts. According to the stats linked above, 2008 per capita GDP was about $3000 in Vietnam, $4000 in Indonesia, $6000 in China, $8000 in Thailand, and $14,000 in Malaysia.  By comparison, per capita GDP is almost $47,000 in the United States.  So a quick and dramatic increase in Asian economies' domestic consumption is pretty much impossible.  (And it also explains why Americans consume so darn much.)  The "imbalance" here is systemic, and it's not going to change anytime soon.  (And for anyone who thinks that Chinese currency appreciation is a silver bullet here, you might want to check out the miniscule change in consumption patterns that resulted from the 2005-2007 RMB appreciation.)

So Pillar #2 appears to be off the table, at least for the next several years.

PILLAR #3: Decreased US consumption.  As noted above, US consumption patterns can affect tradeflows between Asia and the United States, and unlike Pillar #2, there are things that the US government can do to decrease or discourage domestic consumption.  In particular, the government can (1) devalue the dollar; or (2) tax consumption.  The dollar has declined significantly over the past few months, and most people think that it'll drop more in the future.  That said, the dollar is only back to mid-2008 levels, and there are serious reasons to doubt that the dollar will be devalued to the point that it has a significant and long-term effect on US-Asia trade.  First, the Chinese (and other major holders of US debt) would freak out, as their debt-holdings and investments became less and less valuable. Second, US consumers - already battered by the current recession - would face a massive, implicit tax hike, as most of the things they purchased would suddenly become much more expensive. (And the government wouldn't derive a dime of revenue from this "tax.")  Third, investment into the United States would collapse (something I discuss here at length) - hardly a recipe for job growth.  So a big dollar devaluation is unlikely.

That leaves consumption taxes.  The White House and Congress are already pushing a huge tax on energy (through Cap and Trade) that would certainly decrease domestic consumption of energy-intensive products (especially if it includes carbon tariffs on imports of these goods).  But Cap and Trade appears dead in the Senate this year, and the White House has already hinted that the legislation might need to be shelved so the administration can focus on deficit-reduction and jobs policies in 2010.

On the other hand, several high level Democrats - including those inside the White House - are openly contemplating a Value-added Tax (VAT) on all domestic consumption.  The VAT not only would significantly temper American consumption, but also would raise massive amounts of new revenue for the cash-strapped US government to pay down its debt (also mentioned in Obama's "strategy" speech) and/or finance major new government programs like trillion-dollar health care "reform."  Finally, VATs are not collected on export sales, and any previous VAT paid on inputs used to make the exported product is typically refunded at the border.  So exports gain new preferential status in the US economy under a VAT system.  In sum, a VAT would be a classic three-fer for the Obama White House: discouraging US consumption, encouraging exports, and (sneakily) raising oodles of revenue for the federal government.  Of course, whether it's actually good for economic growth is a totally different matter (hint: it isn't).

In this light, Obama's odd "Asia strategy" makes a lot more sense: he's essentially giving notice to China and other Asian economies that rely - at least in part - on American consumption that such consumption is going to be dramatically tempered by a new VAT - a policy that also will encourage US exports and help quell fears about an exploding US deficit and an imploding US dollar.  Pillars #1 and #2 are just window dressing.

Of course, the President and his party could avoid all of this "rebalancing" nonsense and encourage strong US and Asian economic growth if they would just stop spending money that the United States doesn't have and lower taxes (particularly capital gains and payroll taxes), not raise them, to encourage savings, investment and hiring.  But that's not how they roll (as the $2 trillion ObamaCare debacle and the President's $3 trillion budget make abundantly clear).  Instead, they're scheming to find a new, secret way to confiscate lots of taxpayer money, discourage American consumption, and boost exports.  Cripes.

So open your wallets, everyone.  The VATman cometh.  Let the "rebalancing" begin.